By Paul Eidelberg

ISBN-10: 0739148907

ISBN-13: 9780739148907

An American Political Scientist in Israel recounts the author's conferences with a few of Israel's political and highbrow leaders after he immigrated to Israel in 1976. His booklet finds, for the 1st time, the incorrect mentality of those elites and the way this impacts their overseas coverage. As a political scientist and scholar of the America's Founding Fathers, he offers a qualified critique of Israel's ideological and institutional flaws. Eidelberg additionally presents a close account of Israel's financial and technological contribution to the U.S.. opposite to standard opinion, greenback for greenback, the U.S. gets extra from Israel than Israel gets from the us! ultimately, Eidelberg bargains a treatment for Israel's woes. He first exhibits that even if Israel, is a democracy from a sociological point of view, it's not a democracy from a political-institutional point of view. not just does Israel lack a written structure with institutional exams and balances, yet contributors of the legislature aren't separately in charge to the citizens in constituency elections. working in Israel isn't consultant executive rather a lot as multi-party cupboard govt ruled via the leading minister. Eidelberg has for this reason drafted a structure that empowers the folk and is in line with uncomplicated Judaic rules.

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Hitler was thirty years old when Germany was defeated in 1918. Sadat was thirty years old when Egypt was defeated in 1948. It was in 1918, moreover, that Hitler discovered his identity and life’s mission, which was to rid Germany of the Jews. Did Sadat discover his “identity” and a similar mission in 1948? See Waite, The Psychopathic God, 204–5. 32 Chapter 2 4. von Clausewitz, On War, 121. 5. Note the double deception. Sadat’s Egypt is no more based on self-determination than Hitler’s Germany.

Even though Egypt was the patron of the PLO, even though Egypt under Sadat was supplying weapons to the PLO in Gaza, and even though Egypt under Sadat had wiped the name of Israel off its tourist maps, not a word of skepticism about Sadat’s “peace initiative” surfaced. Sadat has remained the iconic peacemaker, and his Western admirers remain transfixed in their dogmatic slumbers. Their worship at the shrine of peace made them blind, deaf, mutes. In November 2006, however, Dr. Pipes sounded a reveille.

Taken literally, Sadat’s slogan “no more war” would be tantamount to suicide. This is precisely what Sadat wants people in the democracies to think, which is why he repeatedly refers to the risks he took in coming to Jerusalem. I shall discuss this point later. 29 In a world torn by conflict, the emotional appeal of that slogan coming from his lips must have been tremendous, especially in the democratic West. Sadat is fully aware of the democratic tendency toward pacifism, which manifested itself so forcefully in the antiwar movement in the United States.

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American Political Scientist in Israel: From Athens to Jerusalem by Paul Eidelberg

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